SOME HISTORICAL NOTES
The history of the relations between both countries goes back to the 13th century, when China and Tibet were part of the Mongolian empire, in equality of conditions. Some political and religious relations among a spiritual teacher, Tibet, and a lay protector, China, in which the spiritual one brought education and initiations, and the layman assured the protection and made donations. This relation existed during four centuries, in which the emperors of the different dynasties considered the Tibet like one more country, if we notice the treatment that it received in the official celebrations.
The figure of the Dalai-Lama, considered like the emanation of the protective divinity of the Tibet, appears in the 16th century in the encounter between a Mongolian chief and the third teacher of a line of eminent monks. In 1642, the fifth Dalai-Lama receives from the chief of the Mongolians -of who is a religious teacher-, the sovereignty of the country.
From 18th century the relations between China and Tibet start to change. It follows the relation of lay spiritual and protective teacher, but this is not perceived in the same way from both parts. After numerous confrontations, from 1720 -during the dynasty Quing-, the Chinese administration and a garnish of its army settle in Tibet. And the argument that often brandishes China to justify the belonging of Tibet to Chinese empire is this employment.
At the beginning of the 20th century, within the framework of Central Asia, Tibet becomes the geopolitical centre of commercial interests, especially for England and Russia. In 1904, the British settle in Lhasa in an attempt to open commercial ways. The Dalai-Lama runs away to Mongolia, and afterwards to China. The Chinese revolution of 1911 spreads to Tibet and forces the withdrawal of the occupation forces and it allows the return of the Dalai-Lama. The independence that enjoys Tibet for 37 years allows it to govern in an autonomous way, resisting the British pressures for “modernizing”.
In 1949, when Mao proclaims the Popular Republic of China, he affirms the sovereignty of this country on Tibet, and use the military way to impose it. Tibet shows a complaint in front of the United Nations that does not prosper, in a basic way for the pressures of the United Kingdom and India. In May of 1951, the named “agreement of 17 points” between the communists and Tibet is signed. In 1965 “the autonomous region of Tibet” is set up, and the traditional regions of the Tibet -Kham and Amdo- are definitively annexed to the Chinese provinces of Qinghaï, Gansu, Yunnan and Sichuan.
THE INFLUENCE OF CHINA
Even though in some documents the Chinese Communist Party presents itself like the releaser of the nobility slave of Tibet, according to opinions of expert people about Tibet, there is a society with castes, very hierarchy, with a clean separation between religious people and laymen, but under no circumstances slavish. The laymen were divided into 3 castes: nobility, people and an inferior stratum. Furthermore, castes which could only be owners were the State, the clergy and the nobility. As a matter of fact, the farmers, the great majority of people, were hereditarily tied to earth, and they had to pay rates, which normally consisted of work itself. This structure had a certain flexibility that entailed duties and rights. It was not an ideal system, but it did not have anything to do with the slavery.
Beijing invokes often also the positive economic effects of its presence in Tibet.
Although it is certain that many changes were produced with the arrival of the communists, it is also certain that, without them, Tibet would have also become modernized. As a matter of fact, its growth has generated an important social exclusion. A big part of the population, mainly Tibetans, have not participated of this growth, and after 50 years of funding policy of Tibet from central authorities, the country has been left with a total dependence from grants.
The building usually come from other places of China and, generally, workers are essentially Chinese, often best prepared thanks to a better formation. The construction of the railway that joins the big cities of China and Lhassa has facilitated the arrival of numerous Chinese emigrants to Tibet, and the need to have to speak “mandarin” for finding a job does not facilitate the access to employment to the great majority of Tibetans. The beneficiaries of the economic “boom” are, then, mostly Chinese immigrants and some privileged Tibetans. That explains -partly-, the huge frustration of Tibetan people.
Regarding the culture, in spite of not daring to use the term of “cultural genocide”, it seems that if the situation does not change, it is going towards the disappearance of the Tibetan civilization. The language is in danger and, in the autonomous region, the education is made in Chinese from the University years, and the Tibetan is not used by the administration. Therefore, out of the autonomous Region the situation is a little bit better, as there are Universities and High Schools where the education is it made in Tibetan.
Another frustration comes from the restrictions on the religious question. Though numerous monasteries were reconstructed and celebrated religious activities, from 1995, the situation has worsened. The pictures of the Dalai-Lama are prohibited in public as privately, civil servants of the state do not have the right to practice their religion, and monasteries are used for the courses of “patriotic” education of China.
THE INTERESTS IN THE REGION
Apart from an ideological claim that is set in the history of the Chinese nationalism, the fact that explains the attitude of China is certainly the geo-strategic position of Tibet. The immense area of this country can not be forgotten. The Big Tibet, I mean, the historical Tibet, represents a fourth part of China.
Furthermore, the biggest rivers in Asia are born there and the mining wealths are abundant in the zone, so that the interest of China in the region can be understood better. Losing Tibet could mean a germ of breaking up its multi-ethnic empire. Even the Oriental Turkestan (Xinjiang) which also has difficult relations with China, could manifest in the same direction as Tibet and as if like the Xinjiang and the interior Mongolia they broke away from China, this would lose a considerable space.
THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
But who talks about the independence of Tibet? These days we have been able to read declarations of the Dalai-Lama that has manifested itself at all times in favour of an autonomy that respects the language and culture. We also had the opportunity in the European Parliament to discuss with the spokesman of the Tibetan Parliament at the exile, Karma Chopbel, who was in favour of not boycotting the Olympic Games but using the guests’ presence to press China for the autonomy and for a greater respect to human rights.
As a gesture of pressuring Chinese government in order to demand to its leaders the search for dialog and reconciliation with Tibetan people, the possibility of not attending the opening ceremony or the ending of the Olympic Games is being studied. From the European Parliament as well as the European institutions in general, there is a certain agreement on seeing how the situation evolves before taking a decision. As a matter of fact, during the partial plenary session of last week, a Resolution that sustains the option not to attend the opening ceremony, in case the dialog is not scolded between Chinese authorities and the Dalai-Lama was approved.
This doesn’t mean that other asking resolutions regarding the respect to human rights, the rights of minorities and to Democracy state haven not been approved. On the other hand, it has been demanded respect to the territorial integrity of China and worry has been shown by the increasing economic marginalization of Tibetan people.
What we should expect is a decrease of confrontations and an attempt to approach to Tibet from Chinese authorities, through a dialogue, which would probably make the boycott of the opening or ending ceremonies of the Games unnecessary.
However, China, whom we have to recognise the effort of growth, modernization and progress that it is carrying out, also has to accompany this advance with a deepening of its democracy, since neither the market nor the wealth for them entail it. Moreover, China has now the opportunity to show the international community about its will of improvement on relations with Tibet, negotiating its autonomy cultural and political and with the respect to a more extense human rights, in general, and to religious freedom, in particular.
It is a great opportunity for not only showing that it does accept some rules from the occidental game regarding the Olympiad, but also some international rules about human and social rights.